The Many Faces of Buddha Vairocana

The rise of Buddha Vairocana is intimately connected with the emergence of esoteric Buddhism. Depending on the textual source referring to him, Vairocana is a higher manifestation of Buddha Śākyamuni, the Buddha of our world and time; the personification of omniscience; the cosmic manifestation of buddhahood in general; or a primordial Buddha. This article summarizes these different aspects of Vairocana, and demonstrates the importance and continuous reinterpretation of this Buddha in early esoteric Buddhism of India and Tibet.

This is the introductory contribution to an exhibition catalogue focusing on a set of 54 album leaves illustrating meditation practice of Sarvavid Vairocana. These were acquired by missionary Father R. Verbois in 1923 in Wangzi miao and are now housed in the ethnographic collection of the Museum aan de Stroom (MAS; formerly the Ethnographic Museum) in Antwerp, Belgium. While the catalogue will be published at the end of this year, the exhibition of "The All-Knowing Buddha: A Secret Guide" at the Rubin Museum of Art has been postponed to autumn 2014.

Conservation and Research in Buddhist Art from an Art-Historical Perspective

In my contribution to the Buddhist Art Forum, organized by the Courtauld Institute of Art in April 2012, I summarized my experiences with conservation projects in the Himalayas and what their work means to research on the art of the region. Backed by plenty of examples I come to the conclusion that, from a research perspective, each intervention also entails the obscuration of particular aspects of the artwork relevant for art historical research, and at times such evidence may be made inaccessible or destroyed entirely. To me, solving the architectural problems of the monument has by far the greatest priority, and work on the interior decoration of a monument needs to be carefully evaluated and implemented. In my opinion—and even more so from a research perspective—it is not justified that we deal with Himalayan monuments and art differently than we would with our own heritage.

  • “Conservation and research in Buddhist art from an art-historical perspective.” In Art of Merit: Studies in Buddhist Art and its Conservation. Proceedings of the Buddhist Art Forum 2012, edited by David Park, Kuenga Wangmo, & Sharon Cather. London: Archetype, 2013: 187–202.

The Buddha Beyond. Figuration in Gandharan Cult Imagery

In this contribution to the festschrift of Christoph Cüppers, I take a closer look at the relationship between figures as expressed through the figuration of Gandharan cult images, in particular the relationship of the depiction on the pedestals of a cult image to that image. Given the sophistication of Gandharan art, there can be no doubt, that the choice of figuration is not the result of a random copying process, but one of a conscious artistic expression the details of which are imbued with meaning. To me the figuration conveys an understanding of the main image that is far from a simple depiction of a well known historical personage of the past. When considered together with their pedestal reliefs the main images acquire a sense of remoteness.

In addition, the Buddha or Bodhisattva in the pedestal is occasionally marked as an image rather than a Buddha or Bodhisattva active at a particular time and place. Such meta-images only occur in the latest phase of stone sculptures in Gandhara with the main image shown invariably with the teaching gesture. Rhetorical relations between the worshipers on the pedestal and the main image also only occur in this latest period and with the same types of images. These representations communicate, that the main image is considered accessible in his own world.

  • In Nepalica-Tibetica. Festgabe für Christoph Cüppers, edited by Franz-Karl Ehrhard, & Petra Maurer. Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung, 28, 2. Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, 2013: Vol. 2, 1–21.

New Light on (and from) the Muhammad Nari Stele

together with Paul Harrison.

This is a revised version of a paper that formed the basis of our presentation in the Special International Symposium on Pure Land Buddhism held at Ōtani University, Kyoto, on 4 August 2011. Later that year, the Muhammad Nari Stele has been on show in New York, which allowed us to study it more closely. This long and detailed paper represents our first attempt of a systematic study of complex steles in Gandharan art an has been published in both Japanese and English.

We continue to work on this topic towards a monograph.

  • In 2011 nendo dai ikkai kokusai shinpojiumu puroshīdingusu: Jōdokyō ni kansuru tokubetsu kokusai shinpojiumu, BARC International Symposium Series 1: Special International Symposium on Pure Land Buddhism, Kyoto: Ryukoku University Research Center for Buddhist Cultures in Asia, 2012: 69-127 [plates 197-207].
    - Also published in Japanese in the same volume: P.ハリソン & C.ルクザニッツ「モハマッド・ナリー浮彫に関する新解釈」[上枝いづ み・尾白悠紀・吉岡慈文訳、宮治昭・福山泰子監修](『2011 年度 第1 回 国際シンポジ ウムプロシーディングス― 浄土教関する特別国際シンポジウム』龍谷大学アジア仏 教文化研究センター、2012 年 3 月、131-194 頁[図版 197-207 頁]).

Siddhas, Hierarchs and Lineages:
Three Examples for Dating Tibetan Art

This contribution to David Jackson's upcoming catalogue, and initiated by David, is essentially a revised version of my earlier study, “The Art-Historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art,” deriving from a lecture delivered at a symposium, Dating Tibetan Art, organized by the Kunsthaus Lempertz, Cologne, November 17 to 18, 2001. While two of the three examples in the original article are republished here, the focus of the study has been altered toward the early siddha, hierarch, and lineage depictions documented in these examples and what they tell about their early usage.

The new example is an extremely informative small thangka painting that once was part of the Jucker collection and is now in the Rubin Museum of Art. This small thangka (22.5 x 18 cm) with six main teachers, published earlier by Hugo E. Kreijger (Tibetan Painting (London: Serindia Publications, 2001), no. 18) and David Jackson (Patron and Painter, 39–42 and fig. 3.1) is being discussed in detail here. An appendix contains all inscriptions on this painting, including a quote of six verses of the conclusion of the Pratimokṣasūtra.

  • In Mirror of the Buddha, Early Portraits from Tibet, edited by David Paul Jackson. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2011: 170–97.

On the iconography of thangkas dedicated to the five Tathagatas

There are a number of Central Tibetan scroll paintings or thangkas closely related to the Vajradhatumandala. These paintings are part of a series of at least five where each is dedicated either to the centre or a quarter of the mandala. As the main deities on these paintings are the five Tathagatas or Jinas of the five Buddha families the relevant thangkas have commonly not been identified precisely and differentiated from other depictions of the five Jinas.

For reasons of space, the article focuses only on the way the thangkas featuring the deities of the Vajradhatumandala differ from other representation of the five Jinas and how they are organized and to be read. By discussing examples of different types and variations of depictions and pointing out distinctive elements the reader will be enabled to distinguish Vajradhatu based thangkas from other five Jina representations.

This contribution is complemented by Eva Allinger’s study on stylistic aspects of the same group of paintings in the same volume.

  • In Art in Tibet. Issues in Traditional Tibetan Art from the Seventh to the Twentieth Century. PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibean Studies, Oxford 2003, edited by Erberto F. Lo Bue. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2011: 37–51 + pls. 6–12.

Locating Great Perfection: the Murals of the Lhasa Lukhang

An article summarizing what is known so far about the iconographic program of the Lukhang temple north of the Potala palace in Lhasa. The main focus, of course, lies on the third floor murals with its rare depiction of yogic exercises based on a group of termas discovered by Pema Lingpa (Padma gling pa; 1450-1521). The close relationship of this scholar to the family of the Sixth Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyatso (Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho; 1683- 1706), indicates a date for these murals around 1700. Besides offering a reading for this floor the article also attempts an overall reading of the temple.

This article has been written in connection with the display of life size facsimiles of Lukhang murals in my Masterworks exhibition at the Rubin Museum of Art, which for now will be on display until January 2013.

In Orientations 42, no. 2 (2011): 102–11.

Alchi Sumtsek Reconsidered

This short article summarises recent research results on the oldest monuments within the Alchi monastic (chos ‘khor) complex, in Ladakh, India. It focuses on some aspects of the Three-Storeyed Temple or Sumtsek (gSum-brtsegs) as well as on some paintings of the two oldest gateway stupas within the complex, which are termed Great Chörten (or Great Stūpa) and Small Chörten (or Small Stūpa).

The main purpose of this publication is to make the arguments that support the later chronology of Alchi monastery, which has been suggested by Roger Goepper and corroberated by me, available to local scholars.

  • In Recent Research on Ladakh 2007, edited by John Bray, & Nawang Tsering Shakspo. Leh, Ladakh: J&K Academy for Art, Culture & Languages – International Association for Ladakh Studies, 2007: 61–72.

A First Glance on Early Drigungpa Painting

This article focuses on a group of early Tibetan Buddhist paintings that can be attributed to the Drigungpa School and the period from ca. 1200 to the mid 14th century. Besides a general introduction to the relevant objects, the main topic is the identification of characteristics through which these paintings and related ones can be identified.

The most important such characteristic is the peculiar depiction of the Eight Great Adepts (mahāsiddha) in a consistent arrangement and iconography specific to the first century of Drigungpa school painting. Secondary characteristics found on these paintings further allow to relate them to depictions that do not feature the mahāsiddha, and attribute those to the Drigungpa school as well. Of course, the identification of the latter is hypothetical. Among the group of related paintings is a composition centered on a teaching Buddha in robes, different classes of audiences represented to his sides and often a group of seven Tārā in a bottom row.

  • In Studies in Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Art. Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Tibetan Archaeology & Art, Beijing, September 3–6, 2004, edited by Xie Jisheng, Shen Weirong, and Liao Yang, Beijing: China Tibetology Publishing House, 2006: 459-488.

Mandala. Form Funktion und Bedeutung

An introductory essay on the nature and function of the mandala in a Buddhist context published in German.

  • In Tibet – Klöster öffnen ihre Schatzkammern, Essen: Kulturstiftung Ruhr Essen, Villa Hügel, 2006: 71–79.

Alchi and the Drigungpa School of Tibetan Buddhism.
The teacher depiction in the Small Chörten of Alchi

This study focuses on the teacher depiction in the Small Chörten (or Small Stūpa) in the monastic complex (chos 'khor) of Alchi, Ladakh, and compares it to a number of roughly contemporaneous central Tibetan scroll paintings (thangka) that can be attributed to the Drigungpa school. These comparisons also allow for identifying most of the figures represented at Alchi despite their unusual style and underdeveloped iconography.

  • In Mei shou wan nian - Long Life Without End. Festschrift in Honor of Roger Goepper, edited by Jeong-hee Lee-Kalisch, Antje Papist-Matsuo and Willibald Veit. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 2006: 181–96.

The Bodhisattva with the Flask in Gandhāran Narrative Scenes

The starting point for this discussion is a group of Gandharan narrative relief sculptures with a Bodhisattva in the center sitting in meditation (padmāsana) below an umbrella or canopy on a throne with a footstool. He performs the gesture of fearlessness (abhayamudrā) with his right hand and holds a flask (kalaśa, kamaṇḍalu) in the left. He is attended by seated figures, mostly wearing turbans, of which at least one is usually portrayed in a vague attitude of conversation or discussion.

Images of this type are usually identified as the future Buddha Maitreya in Tuṣita heaven, but have also been interpreted as representing Buddha Sealyham in Tuṣita heaven before his last rebirth. In this article the identity of this Bodhisattva and his narrative context is reconsidered. Comparing a large number of relevant relief panels several types of representation can be differentiated. An iconographic context for some of these representations provides clues for a possible identification of some of the different types. The analysis of the relevant relief panels, when strictly classified, also allows the provocative conclusion that, at least in some cases, the life of the future Buddha Maitreya had already been depicted during the Kuṣāṇa period.

While, in my opinion, this question can only be evaluated properly from a much wider perspective, this being one of the reasons why I was unable to complete this work at such an early stage of my studies, the present article focuses on a more narrowly defined aspect of it by considering the flask-holding Bodhisattva only within the context of narrative depictions. The reader must bear in mind that the conclusion suggested here is partly based on much wider considerations, namely the role of Maitreya in Gandharan Buddhism of the Kuṣāṇa period in general and its development, which will be dealt with in a parallel article.

  • In East and West, dedicated to Maurizio Taddei 55, no. 1–4 (2005): 163–88.

Infinite Variety. Form and Appearance in Tibetan Buddhist Art

This introductory text explores the basic concepts on which Tibetan Buddhist art is based in their historical relationship. It thus begins with the three bodies of the Buddha and multiple Buddha representations and ends with the Tibetan contribution to earlier Indian Buddhist concepts that are reflected in the arts. Finally it considers if the variety found within Tibetan Buddhist art is indeed infinite.

English version of: Unendliche Vielfalt. Gestalt und Erscheinungsform im Buddhismus. In: Wulf Köpke and Schmelz Bernd (eds.), Die Welt des Tibetischen Buddhismus. Hamburg: Museum für Völkerkunde, Hamburg (2005) 43–77.

  • In Lotus Leaves 7, no. 2 (2005): 1–9 (Part I) and Lotus Leaves 8, no. 1 (2005): 7–14 (Part II).

The early Buddhist heritage of Ladakh reconsidered

This article reviews the earliest Buddhist heritage of Ladakh under consideration that, following Goepper's work, the Alchi group of monuments has to be attributed to a considerably later date than previously assumed. It also collects support for Goepper's attribution published since his original article of 1990.

The now fairly secure attribution of the Alchi group of monuments, although shifting the dates by only one century, have wide repercussions on our perception of the earliest Ladakhi Buddhist heritage and its development up to the establishment the Ladakhi kingdom in the late 15th century. More important, the new date allows for linking the early Buddhist heritage in Ladakh to the general development of Tibetan Buddhism and thus also has major effects on our understanding of early Tibetan art-history.

On a more general level, this study outlines the most crucial historic issues and questions from an art historian’s and archaeologist’s point of view with the help of a few exemplary monuments and objects the historical value of which has in many instances not yet been exploited. Obviously, it is neither intended to cover all the relevant material in detail, which would provide enough substance for a whole book and some years of additional research, nor can the examples used be discussed in all their relevance.

Besides Alchi the article discusses the 11th century ruin near Basgo, the "Priests' Chörten" at Lamayuru, the teaching Buddha stele near the Changspa chörten, the stone steles (rdo ring) of Shey village and its surrounding, the wooden sculptures of Sumda Chen, the wooden fragments of Lhachuse Temple and the carved doorframe with deity bearing medallions between stūpa at Sumda Chung.

  • In Ladakhi Histories. Local and Regional Perspectives, edited by John Bray. Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library, 9. Leiden: Brill:65-96.

Art-Historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art

In a paper on the art-historical aspects of dating Tibetan Art at an international symposium on 'Dating Tibetan Art' organized by the Kunsthaus Lempertz, Cologne, 17th–18th November 2001, I focused on three examples demonstrating the possibilities and restrictions of art historical methods to date Tibetan art on the bases of the documentation available to me as a researcher.

The most fascinating example by means of which the possibilities of art historical methods, i.e. in this case a study of composition, style and iconography, can be demonstrated is found in the early 13th-century paintings of Alchi monastery in Ladakh, India. By focusing on the iconography of certain teacher depictions attributable to ca. 1200 this example demonstrates the interrelationship of completely different painting styles to each other once they are brought together by historical circumstances. The observations derived from these paintings completely support Roger Goepper’s dating of the Alchi Sumtsek (gSum brtsegs) to 1200 at the earliest. In fact, the conclusions these examples imply are also of major relevance for the history of Tibetan Buddhism in general, as it appears that the Alchi murals were created at a turning point in the history of Tibetan art and Buddhism.

The second example studies the lineage depictions of three paintings which were once part of a larger thangka series, among them painting No. 960 in the Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale in Rome. Each painting is dominated by the central pair of Cakrasaṃvara (’Khor lo bde mchog) embracing his partner Vajravārahī (rDo rje phag mo). As an analysis of the lineages shows, this series is dedicated to the different teachings of Cakrasaṃvara which one practitioner of the Sakyapa (Sa skya pa) school received from different teachers. The analysis further allows the conclusion that the paintings are to be attributed to the second quarter of the 15th century at the earliest. Sadly the plates for this section have been mixed up.

The pictures and captions of the three Cakrasamvara Thangkas are mixed up, the error going back to the picture index I sent to the publisher, where the figure numbers were applied to the wrong files. Sadly it was not realized that the captions do not conform with the file names.
Figure 7 is actually the picture published as Fig. 9.
Figure 8 is actually the picture published as Fig. 7.
Figure 9 is actually the picture published as Fig. 8.

The third example demonstrates the limitations of stylistic analysis for dating a painting when close comparisons are lacking. Consequently, at the current stage of my research, it is not possible to propose a narrow date for the Thangka No. 950 of the Museo Nazionale d’Arte Orientale in Rome even if its iconography is clear (it represents a mandala of Vajrapāṇi Mahācakra/Phyag na rdo rje ’Khor lo chen po).

  • In Dating Tibetan Art. Essays on the Possibilities and Impossibilities of Chronology from the Lempertz Symposium, Cologne, edited by Ingrid Kreide-Damani. Contributions to Tibetan Studies, 3. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2003: 25-57.

Early Tibetan Clay Sculpture

Few people will consider clay an important artistic medium in Tibetan art. Nevertheless, in Tibet clay has always been the sculptural material par excellence. Besides the mass-produced votive objects, the so-called tsha tsha found all over Tibet, many of the large-scale sculptures in Tibetan Buddhist monasteries are actually made of the same material. The main substance of these sculptures is dried clay (and not, as is often claimed, stucco, which would be far more resistant), a material that has been used employing varying techniques throughout the history of Tibetan art.

Large-scale clay sculptures of the highest quality are particularly characteristic for the earliest Tibetan monuments preserved. This fact can quite easily be explained by the abundance of clay sculpture in almost all neighbouring regions during the time when Tibet was absorbing Buddhism from India as well as – albeit to a far lesser degree – China and Central Asia. During the second half of the first millennium of our era major sculptures were being made of clay in all these regions, those preserved in the famous cave of Dunhuang in the Gansu corridor in China being the most well known.

This article summarizes how frequently clay was used as sculptural material throughout Tibetan history and the techniques employed. The brief survey certainly does not do justice to the importance of clay as a sculptural medium in Tibet, but the highlights introduced may be sufficient to prove that these sculptures are an important aspect of Tibetan art that deserves attention. This is particularly true as the sculptures often represent the main topic of a temple’s decoration and the monument thus can only be understood by taking them into account.

  • In Aziatische Kunst 33 (2) 2003: p. 2-15.

The 12th Century Buddhist Monuments of Nako

Nako is one of the most important sites for Buddhist monuments in the western Himalayas with seven temples distributed around the village, two of which date back to the 12th century (my attribution). This article aims at providing a more complete picture of the art preserved within the two oldest monuments and its value for research on the Buddhist art, culture and history of the region. The article is based on the chronology later presented in greater detail in my book Buddhist Sculpture in Clay. Despite further evidence available, for reaosns of readability the argumentation is solely based on comparisons to the two most important and best published monuments of early Buddhist art in the western Himalayas, the Tabo Main Temple and the Three-storeyed Temple at Alchi.

The two oldest temples at Nako bear witness to a distinctive phase in the early development of (western) Tibetan Buddhism. The decorative, iconographic and technical details observable in the Nako paintings show a large number of innovations when compared to the renovation period murals in the Tabo Main Temple, which can be attributed to the mid-eleventh century. On the other hand, the Nako murals often represent iconographic themes that can be compared to those in the Alchi monuments. Thus, the Nako murals allow us to understand in greater detail the extent to which the Tabo and Alchi murals are related and what their respective characteristic features are, and in this way constitute a link between these monuments. If the proposed dates are accepted, the Nako temples are the only monuments in the western Himalayas attributable to the first half of the 12th century, a period which saw the disintegration of the West Tibetan kingdom. They are thus an invaluable source for the study and understanding of the early development of Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan culture in general.

This article also aims at publicizing the fact that this jewel of early western Himalayan Buddhist art is faced with ruin if counter-measures are not taken soon. On the initiative of INTACH and the Vienna research project the Nako temples have been nominated among the 100 Most Endangered Sites 2002 by the World Monuments Watch (India, Nako Temples; site no. 45).

Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter introduces the Nako Preservation Project in a parallel article in the same volume.

  • Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. (2003) The Nako Preservation Project. Orientations 34 (5): 39–45.

The Wanla bKra-shis-gsum-brtsegs

Wanla, a village in Lower Ladakh located at the confluence of two streams in a side valley between Khaltse and Lamayuru, is dominated by the lofty structure of the three-storeyed Wanla temple on a ridge behind the village within the ruins of a once major castle. The Wanla temple is one of the most neglected monuments in the context of academic research on Tibetan and in particular Ladakhi history. Although the temple is - almost in its entirety - of the founding period and even contains an extensive inscription relating to the background leading to the foundation of the temple, it has never been published in any detail. Together with the art-historical evidence, the Wanla inscription provides information on an otherwise practically unknown period of Ladakh’s history, the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century. This information also appears to be highly relevant for the history of Tibetan Buddhism in general, as the art preserved at Wanla shows the process of reception and adaptation of Central Tibetan Buddhist art in the Western Himalayas.

This article aims to demonstrate the relevance of the Wanla temple for Western Tibetan history and art history on the basis of the inscription and the artistic decoration of the temple. After an introduction covering the historical context of the temple it gives an impression of its contents in art historical terms and their relevance to the discussion of painting styles and school attribution in Tibetan art.

  • In Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries, edited by Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, & Eva Allinger. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, 2. Leiden: Brill, 2002: 115–25.

My colleague Gerald Kozicz, working in a parallel research project at the Technical University at TU-Graz under the supervision of Holger Neuwirth, discusses the architecture of the building in a parallel article in the same volume.

  • Kozicz, Gerald. “The Wanla Temple.” In Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries, edited by Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, & Eva Allinger. PIATS 2000: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, 2. Leiden: Brill, 2002: 127–36.

In the meantime the inscription of Wanla has been published as well:

  • Tropper, Kurt. “The historical inscription in the gSum brtsegs temple at Wanla, Ladakh.” In Text, Image and Song in Transdisciplinary Dialogue. PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford 2003, Volume 10/7, edited by Deborah Klimburg-Salter, Kurt Tropper, & Christian Jahoda. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2007: 104–50.

Methodological Comments Regarding Recent Research on Tibetan Art

In Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 45 (2001): 125–45.

As a consequence of my teaching obligations over the two years prior to this publication as well as my work on the thangkas in the Tucci collection, I have started to consider the art-historical methodology of the study and interpretation of Tibetan art, as apparent from recent publications. This review article of Amy Heller’s book Tibetan Art considers the publication within the general context of recent studies on Tibetan art, and focuses on the general and methodological problems. I compare the state of research to research on European art and its basic methodology with regard to dating, style and iconography.

As the interests of the art market rule the initial scholarly publication of Tibetan objects, the main goals are to place it chronologically, to identify its main subject and recently also to attribute to the objects a certain workmanship or the origin of the artist. This concentration on appearance rather than content consitutes a major difference to European art history as a science among the humanities. This basically materialistic approach is founded in and supported by two circumstances, the concentration of much research on single objects without context and the generally poor state of documentation within Tibet. As Tibetan art history, particularly regarding early Tibetan art, is a very recent field we are still at the stage of building a foundation for studying the content.

  • Heller, Amy (1999) Tibetan Art. Tracing the development of spiritual ideals and art in Tibet 600–2000 A.D. Milano, Jaca Book.

The Life of the Buddha in the Sumtsek

The figure of Maitreya in the somewhat larger niche of the back wall of the Alchi Sumtsek, which is the main image of the temple, has its dhotī decorated with scenes of a Buddha's last life. In this article all scenes are considered to establish their narrative sequence. This sequence is usually – but not always – chronological. On the basis of this identification, the article also briefly discusses the distribution of the scenes on the dhotī as well as the principal characteristics of the narrative means employed. Subsequently the basic narrative sources and philosophical ideas which have influenced this particular depiction are considered.

Of course, it is impossible to present more than a general discussion in such an article. The analysis of the dhotī indicates that the Life of the Buddha depicted on the image of Maitreya is a complex representation of late Indian Buddhist ideas which would deserve a detailed monograph in its own right.

While it was only possible to publish a restricted number of scenes in the article, on the ITBA website almost all the medallions are represented and briefly identified. Jaroslav Poncar undertook the complete documentation between 1981 and 1991 and generously provided them for publication and the website.

Since publication I have reattributed the identification of scene 13, as the person receiving the child is male and not, as I had previously assumed, female. The scene obviously represents the child being received by his father, King Śuddhodhana, rather than the entrusting of the child to Māyā’s sister Gautami.

Documentation of (almost) all scenes: >gallery or > overview drawing.

Early Buddhist Wood Carvings from Himachal Pradesh

This article represents an attempt to relate the earliest woodcarvings preserved in Kinnaur, Spiti and West Tibet on a stylistic basis and to extrapolate a development for the woodcarvings of the region. Among the woodcarvings, all of which are to be attributed to the period from the late tenth to the mid eleventh centuries, the wooden capital of Shalkhar and the Bodhisattva Vajradharma of Poo are published here for the first time and discussed in detail.

The article also introduces the Translator's Temple at Ribba, which most probably is the oldest preserved Buddhist monument in the western Himalayas. Here only those woodcarvings that can without doubt be attributed to the foundation itself are considered, while the more or less faithful copies that have replaced the original ones are omitted. Analysis of the woodcarvings shows that the Ribba temple must predate the rise of the West Tibetan kingdom. The attribution of the Ribba Temple to the early tenth century at the latest represents a compromise between the stylistic links with Kashmiri art of the eighth century onwards and the comparison with the late tenth-century door at Kojarnath, with which it shares a number of essential features.

Complete documentation for: Poo; Ribba; Shalkhar